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Hezbollah's financial tentacles - US Treasury sanctions 16-member global money laundering network

3 min Bruno Finel

The US Treasury announced Friday it had sanctioned a "global network diverting funds for the benefit of Hezbollah", comprising 16 individuals and entities led by Hezbollah financier and former Lebanese public investment official Alaa Hassan Hamiyé, according to Lebanese daily L'Orient Le Jour.

The network spans six countries: Lebanon, Syria, Poland, Slovenia, Qatar and Canada © Mena Today 

The network spans six countries: Lebanon, Syria, Poland, Slovenia, Qatar and Canada © Mena Today 

The US Treasury announced Friday it had sanctioned a "global network diverting funds for the benefit of Hezbollah", comprising 16 individuals and entities led by Hezbollah financier and former Lebanese public investment official Alaa Hassan Hamiyé, according to Lebanese daily L'Orient Le Jour.

Hamiyé is not a shadowy figure operating from the underground. He served as a board member and then vice-president of Lebanon's Investment Development Authority from 2019 to 2025, a senior position within Lebanon's official public investment apparatus that he allegedly used to channel funds to one of the world's most designated terrorist organizations.

The US Treasury's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) stated that Hamiyé "oversees a network of companies, controlled through family members and close associates, that launder and collect funds for Hezbollah's financial team."

The Scale of the Operation

The network spans six countries: Lebanon, Syria, Poland, Slovenia, Qatar and Canada, a geographic footprint that underscores the truly global reach of Hezbollah's financial infrastructure.

According to OFAC, these individuals and companies "have been involved in numerous economic projects and are believed to have enabled the diversion of more than $100 million since 2020 »,funds that constitute "an essential source of financing for Hezbollah."

"Hezbollah continues to divert funds that should be returned to the Lebanese people in order to finance its terrorist operations," said US Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent. "This action targets key actors in its global financial network that support its militant activities."

OFAC explains that Hamiyé holds, "directly or indirectly »,several companies linked to Hezbollah, "some of which are used for procurement or money laundering." 

Through his brother Mohammad Hassan Hamiyé, Alaa is said to monitor "financial flows associated with these projects, many of which are conducted in collaboration with members of Hezbollah's financial team », including Mohammad al-Bazzal, his brother Rachid al-Bazzal (already designated by the US) and Ali Qasir, also previously designated as a Hezbollah financial team member.

In a particularly damning revelation, OFAC states that in early 2025, Hezbollah "was involved through Hamiyé's functions in the disbursement of funds from a commercial agreement between Baghdad and Beirut", an Iraq-Lebanon deal specifically designed to support Lebanon's reconstruction.

Alaa Hamiyé personally received millions of dollars from Hezbollah-related projects conducted under this agreement, effectively stealing reconstruction money from a country already devastated by war, economic collapse and institutional failure.

Among the network's companies, OFAC identifies Bahaa Addin Hashem — described as a "Syrian grey market arms trafficker », as a co-owner, adding a weapons procurement dimension to what is already a sophisticated multi-layered financial operation.

A Political System Built on Corruption and Cowardice

The Hamiyé case is not an anomaly. It is a symptom.

For decades, Lebanon's political class has lived in a state of calculated complicity with Hezbollah, too corrupt to confront it, too compromised to challenge it and too afraid to pay the price of resistance. Politicians from across the sectarian spectrum have shared power, distributed patronage and looked the other way as Hezbollah built its state within a state, its financial empire and its military arsenal, all under the noses of a government that preferred survival over sovereignty.

The result is a country where reconstruction funds are diverted to terrorist coffers, where a former vice-president of a public investment authority doubles as a Hezbollah financier, and where the line between the state and the militia has become so blurred as to be almost meaningless.

For thirty years, not a single Lebanese political leader had the courage to genuinely confront Hezbollah. Every attempt dissolved into accommodation. Every red line was quietly erased. Every promise of disarmament evaporated the moment it became inconvenient.

The Exception: Aoun and Salam Strike Back

That changed with the arrival of President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam.

For the first time in Lebanon's modern history, a head of state has publicly called Hezbollah "an armed faction beyond state authority", and meant it. For the first time, a government has issued a formal ban on all Hezbollah military and security activities. For the first time, a Lebanese president has called for direct negotiations with Israel — a move that would have been political suicide under any previous administration.

Aoun and Salam have done what their predecessors refused to do: they chose Lebanon over Hezbollah. They chose sovereignty over accommodation. They chose the future over the patronage networks that have kept this country in permanent dysfunction.

It is not without risk. Hezbollah has already ignored the government's directives. The threat of civil conflict remains real. And the weight of thirty years of institutional corruption does not disappear with a single decree.

But the direction has changed. And in Lebanon, where direction has been absent for so long, that matters enormously.

Washington's message with Friday's sanctions is unambiguous: Hezbollah's financial network has no safe haven,  not in Beirut, not in Warsaw, not in Ljubljana, not in Doha, not in Toronto.

The tentacles are being cut. The corrupt system that nurtured them is finally being challenged.

One sanction at a time. One courageous decision at a time.

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Bruno Finel

Bruno Finel

Bruno Finel is the editor-in-chief of Mena Today. He has extensive experience in the Middle East and North Africa, with several decades of reporting on current affairs in the region.

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