Lebanese army targets drug networks, avoids confronting Hezbollah

The Lebanese army has stepped up its campaign against the country’s narcotics trade, carrying out a series of raids and arrests that expose a sharp contrast in its willingness to act against Hezbollah’s armed presence. 

While the military demonstrates strong operational capacity in counter-drug operations, it remains largely inactive when it comes to disarming Hezbollah or Palestinian groups.

In recent months, army units have executed large-scale raids on drug factories, warehouses, and trafficking hubs. Using drones and intelligence-based targeting, soldiers have seized millions of Captagon pills, destroyed chemical stockpiles, and arrested dozens of suspects. 

The army’s success in these missions highlights an effective command structure, solid intelligence gathering, and coordinated field execution, proof that capability is not the issue.

By contrast, efforts to enforce disarmament have been largely symbolic. 

The army has claimed to discover and seize Hezbollah weapons caches, yet there is little independent verification. 

Operations in Palestinian refugee camps have yielded minimal results, suggesting that such announcements are intended mainly for public consumption.

The difference appears to lie in politics, not logistics. 

The army’s crackdowns on drug networks enjoy broad public legitimacy, as drug use is condemned by both religious and social leaders across sectarian lines. Hezbollah itself publicly denounces drug trafficking and allows the army to act freely, so long as operations do not threaten its military assets. 

Shiite clerics, including Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, have repeatedly described drugs as a moral scourge. In 2016, Nasrallah warned of the “disaster” posed by rising addiction rates, calling drug dealing a grave sin.

Yet Hezbollah’s stance is widely seen as hypocritical. The group is accused of profiting from the drug trade abroad, particularly in Gulf states, Europe, and South America, where narcotics are used both as a source of revenue and a tool of political warfare. 

While Hezbollah denies involvement, religious rulings within its sphere reportedly permit the export of drugs to hostile nations.

When it comes to weapons, Hezbollah draws a red line. Senior officials, including Deputy Secretary-General Naim Qassem, have declared that no force inside Lebanon has the legitimacy to disarm the group, warning that any attempt could trigger civil war. 

Many Lebanese officers and soldiers are Shiite, some with family or community ties to Hezbollah, adding another layer of reluctance within the ranks.

Western governments continue to back the Lebanese Armed Forces. 

The United States recently approved $230 million in aid to support training and equipment, on top of earlier grants. But observers argue that the real challenge is not resources, it is political will.

Recent enforcement actions illustrate the army’s reach: in September alone, raids in Al-Ferzol, Budai, and the Shatila refugee camp led to record-breaking seizures, including 64 million Captagon pills and dozens of arrests. 

In August, troops killed notorious trafficker Ali Mandhar Zeaiter, known as “Abu Salah.”

For now, Lebanon’s army fights drugs with vigor, but avoids the battle that could reshape the country’s balance of power.